How Fiore dei Liberi's Protege Helped Put the Bentivoglio Family in Power: Chapter 2
The Epic of Lancillotto Beccaria di Pavia and Giovanni Bentivoglio
The poisonous promises of freedom, liberty and independence weighed heavy on Giovanni Bentivoglio’s mind. The Venetians and Florentines made a compelling case that if Faenza were to fall, Bologna would be next—no matter Giovanni’s relationship with Gian Galeazzo Visconti. Their case was made even more compelling by recent events in Pisa, where the Raspanti leader Iacopo Appiani, who upon throwing off the yoke of the Della Gherardesca family to become Signoria, was forced to seek the support of the Visconti to maintain his position against the Florentines, but rather than support the claim of Iacopo, the 10,000 man Visconti army led-then by Alberigo da Barbiano, supported a rebel faction in Pisa and tried to depose Iacopo.[1][2] Appiani was quick to negotiate with Florence and accept unfavorable terms, but his star faded before he could muster a resolute defense, a Visconti assassin took his life, and his son ceded the city to Gian Galeazzo a year later for a menial sum. This was related to Giovanni Bentivoglio in great detail by Giovanni di Garzoni, son of di Bandino, and Francesco Piroli, each representing Florence and Venice respectively. Giovanni decided that he had no other choice. In late March, 1401, Giovanni was attended by three Bolognese Knights, and eight Doctors of law, all of his closest allies, namely the Bianchi, Scappi, Canetoli, and his Bentivoglio cousins for the signing of a peace treaty with Astrogio Manfredi Lord of Faenza.[3]
Alberigo da Barbiano was enraged! He was days if not hours from the capitulation of Faenza, and here he was, on the precipice of attaining the vengeance that he so vehemently sought for his brother’s brutal execution, then suddenly he was sabotaged. Barbiano didn’t hesitate, he broke his siege of Faneza and marched his Company of St. George to Cunio.[4] There, he started raiding the Bolognese contado, capturing women, children, and livestock, sacking cities; like Quaderna, Varignana, Medicina, and blustering that the only ransom he would take to spare the lives of the innocents in his possession was a full payment of his agreed wages. As Giovanni was weighing his options, Alberigo pressed his men to Idice, where they started raiding as far as San Lazzaro di Savena.[5]
On the verge of disaster, the clouds parted, and the hand of the divine—Gian Galeazzo Visconti—intervened. A Milanese ambassador, Pietro di Colte, appeared at the Porta San Felice, with an offer from the Duke, 400 lances for the personal guard of Giovanni, or an equal sum of money for the employ of the same number of men, whichever he saw fit.[6] All Gian Galeazzo wanted in return was Giovanni’s friendship, he wanted to know he could count on Bologna if he were to attack Florence. Giovanni accepted the offer and asked for the cash, he had no other choice. As Pietro di Colte was returning to Milan through the Porta San Felice with Giovanni’s response, a Florentine ambassador arrived at the Portico Sanct’Isaia.[7] The Florentines congratulated Giovanni on his diplomatic dealings with the Duke of Milan, and while they understood the implications of the deal, they promised that they were in no way offended by the necessity to strike such an accord given the precarious situation Giovanni was in, to that end they wanted to make a keen and subtle counter offer—join Florence and Venice in the anti-Visconti league.[8] The seeds for the deal had already been sown by Giovanni da Garzoni, the Visconti couldn’t be trusted, there was no future in being a subject of Gian Galeazzo, no liberty, republicanism, or self-governance, there was only subservience or death. We can imagine at this point that they probably conveyed to Giovanni that the powerful Wittelsbach, Rupert of Bavaria, Count Palatine of the Rhine, who had just deposed King Wenceslauas (a Visconti sympathizer) to become King of Germany, was weighing an offer to invade Milan and depose the Visconti for good, with the hope of then making his way to Rome to be crowned Holy Roman Emperor by the Pope.[9]
The Florentines probably didn’t go into great detail about their plans, they likely just gave Giovanni enough information to entice him and make him believe their efforts were not in vain. However, it’s worth taking a moment to illustrate just how far the Florentines were willing to go to depose Visconti, and how Giovanni fit into their larger strategy. In the letters of Giovanni di Paolo Morelli and Bonaccorso Pitti we get a tremendous amount of detail about the complexity of Florence’s diplomatic dealings. First, they struck a deal with the Lord of Padua, ensuring that the Germans had a secure bridgehead, but they weren’t entirely convinced of the Paduans convictions—they hadn’t exactly lived up to their word in the past. At the same time they sent Andrea Salvini on a diplomatic mission to Bavaria. Rupert’s response to the Florentine ambassador was pretty blunt, he wanted to know how much the Florentines were willing to pay, Salvini said he couldn’t give a number, but assured the King that the Florins would be delivered by the bucketful if he succeeded. That wasn’t enough for the German King, he said he’d had a letter from the Florentine ambassador to Giovanni Bentivoglio in Bologna, promising six-hundred thousand florins. Morelli says he never learned the name of this mysterious ambassador, a case of anonymity that’s further compounded by Ghirardacci’s lack of detail in his account. It seems our Giovanni Garzoni, the mediator that helped negotiate peace with Faenza, was in Friuli recruiting allies at the time, so it surely wasn’t him.[10] Andrea Salvini did see the letters however, and confronted this mysterious ambassador upon his return to Florence, but the man denied having proposed such absurdities, according to Morelli.
The Florentines sent a second delegation, this time championed by Bonaccorso Pitti and Ser Piero da Sanminiato. Rupert was pleased with the opening salvo of the negotiations, the Florentine diplomats promised a down payment of four-hundred thousand florins. They were soon joined by a third delegate, Andrea di Neri Vettori. All three men wrote back to the Florence with great detail about the splendid nature of the German Knights, so much so, that Morelli sarcastically related, “This delegation wrote such miraculous things back to Florence about the Emperor’s men that the Paladins of Charles the Great (Charlemagne) seemed mere lads in comparison” (Baca, pg. 226), adding Andrea di Neri Vettori’s ridiculous observations that, “they had forty thousand cavalry, not counting carriages—the most magnificent men who had ever been seen, with superb heads of hair” concluding, “my son, if I were to die, I would die happy, knowing that I would never have seen such magnificent men.” (Baca, pg.227)
While this—negotiation was happening, Giovanni Bentivoglio was deliberating his response to our nameless delegate. Finally, he arrived at an answer, Giovanni told the Florentine ambassador that upon his honor and by his nature he could not go back on his word, that he could not, “see a right and honest way of withdrawing.” (Ghiradacci, pg. 522) The Florentine delegates understood Giovanni’s position, but they weren’t about to give up, Florence was nearly surrounded by Visconti lands, and Bologna was the last piece in a row of dominoes strategically acquired to topple their Republic, thus they turned to Antonio Guidotti. The Guidotti family was the second most powerful banking family in Bologna, they were likely the financiers of Giovanni Bentivoglio’s assent to Signoria, by convincing Guidotti, the Florentine delegates determined that Giovanni would have no choice but to acquiesce. They gave Antonio Guidotti a gift of four thousand ducats and made clear to him that the political landscape of Northern Italy was shifting in their favor but insisted that it still hinged on the edge of sword blade. Guidotti did his part, he pulled Giovanni aside and pleaded with him, arguing that, even if Gian Galeazzo’s assurances were—that the principle of this deal was forged on account of his desire to attack Florence and that he had no designs on Bologna—to think a few steps ahead, what happened when Florence fell to the Visconti, would Gian Galeazzo leave a Bologna sized hole in his northern Italian Empire? This question plagued Giovanni, he retreated to his quarters, and wasn’t seen for a full day, then when he finally did reappear, it was to request the council of his closest friends, namely the Malvezzi. In the eleventh hour, with word of di Colte’s immanent return, his friends at last saw the wisdom of Guidotti’s position and got through to Giovanni—Bologna would join the Anti-Visconti League with Florence.[11]
Pietro di Colte rode into Bologna, dismounted from his horse, and went straight to Giovanni Bentivoglio bearing the charter signed by Gian Galeazzo Visconti. He presented the documents to the Signoria of Bologna, and asked him to sign them. Ghiradacci bears record of what happened next:
Giovanni said, “He could not do it, mindful that the Duke was late in sending them, he had in the meantime allied himself with the Florentines, thinking that the Duke had forgotten about the treaty. But that in the meantime he assured him that, although he was not in league with him, he would always be his faithful friend, and that he would gladly be used in any situation, except in demonstrating opposition to Florence.”[12]
To which di Colte nodded, placed his hand on the shoulder of Antonio Guidotti, and said to both Giovanni and his financier, “Remember Antonio, that the four thousand ducats which you received are the reason why Giovanni failed in his faith to my Lord, and allied himself with the Florentines, and did not want to subscribe, for which both of you will soon find regret.”[13]
Pietro di Colte left Bologna at a gallop, and when he arrived at the feet of Gian Galeazzo Visconti, his lord, he related everything that happened in Bologna, to which Gian Galeazzo simply shrugged. Perhaps what was occupying Gian Galeazzo’s mind was beyond Bolonga, because at the same time the Duke of Milan was ignoring the protestations of his orator, three Florentine diplomats fresh with the news of Bentivoglio’s rebuff of the Visconti, had arrived in Bologna, and congratulated him, giving him glad tidings of their own—the German King, Rupert, had accepted the Florentines offer, and they had already laid plans to pay the first installment of one-hundred and forty thousand florins—the Alemanni lords were mobilizing for war.[14] Rineri Alberi, Bartolomeo da Pistoia, and Ricardo di Donato Acciaivoli assured Giovanni that Florence was equipped and prepared to defend Bologna against all enemies. As a sign of gratitude Giovanni knighted Bartolomeo da Pistoia.
Amidst the strain of parrying blows from Alberigo da Barbiano and his allies who had recently arrived in theater, namely Ottobono Terzi and Jacopo del Verme, Giovanni tried to get a few administrative things done—important tasks like having his coat of arms painted on the castles of Castel Bolongese, Cento and Imola, and minting a coin with his face on it. While these important matters were well tended by Giovanni’s new government, nefarious undercurrents started to cut away at his authority. Word of the arrival of more seasoned condottiere to bolster the vaunted Company of St. George, and Giovanni’s sudden betrayal of Gian Galeazzo Visconti were met with serious consternation in Bologna. The moment of serenity brought by the assurances of the Florentine ambassadors was quickly dissuaded when Giovanni was confronted with a secret plot to assassinate him and his two young sons, Anton Galeazzo and Ercole. The plot to murder his family in their beds was attributed to Battista Baldoini, Baldo degli Uccelli, Antonio da Santa Lucia, Antonio di Musolo, Guglielmo Catinelli, Nanino Cherubini, Gozzadino Gozzadini, and many others. Baldoini and Uccelli were the ones who were partitioned to murder Giovanni’s sons, while the others were all set to descend on Giovanni himself. Feeling the specter of daggers piercing his flesh, Giovanni dispatched the Podesta to round up the conspirators. Of the chief culprits Gozzadino Gozzadini, Battista Baldoini, Guglielmo Catinelli, and Antonio Musolo were captured, while the Uccelli brothers managed to escape.[15] Being constrained by various pacts and treaties with families in the city, Giovanni couldn’t execute Gozzadino Gozzadini, or Battista Balduini, so he had them locked up in the dungeons of the Holy Sepulcher, and San Giacomo di Galitia respectively, while he had no prior arrangement with the likes of Antonio di Musolo, and ordered him to be beheaded in the Palazzo Maggiore. The rest he sent to be kept in the cells of outlying castles, of those Guglielmo Catinelli refused to be taken to a remote cell in the contado and was summarily executed.[16]
Unimaginable chaos had haunted Giovanni since 1397. However, in this moment he was afforded a brief respite, a cold drink of water on a summer day, an end to the violence, the machinations, the backstabbing, murder and plotting—a void in the unending gauntlet of power. With his internal enemies revealed, imprisoned or beheaded, he was allowed to focus without, on Alberigo da Barbiano and Ottobono Terzi, but just as soon as his attention turned to his more formidable adversaries, they disappeared, recalled to Milan by Gian Galeazzo Visconti in anticipation of his war with King Rupert. In preparation for the German King’s invasion, the Duke had spent over two hundred thousand florins to compile an army large enough to contend with the forces his spies said awaited him across the Alps.[17] All the best condottiere in Italy were flocking to Lombardy to take part in what was sure to be one of the greatest series of battles in their lifetime, the road was paved with fame, power, money, and glory—everything a captain of fortune craved.
Gian Galeazzo still wasn’t content with his preparations, surely he must have seen the immaculate heads of hair on the German knights, because he left nothing to chance. While Bonaccorso Pitti was in Mainz, negotiating the final terms of the alliance with King Rupert, the Florentine diplomat noticed how carefree the future Emperor’s personal security was. He pulled Rupert aside one day while they were dining in the Emperor’s Gardens and informed him that he needed to be more careful, that an adversary like Gian Galeazzo Visconti would use all the resources at his disposal to eliminate a potential threat. Rupert was taken aback, saying, “Could he be so perfidious as to attempt to have me killed, when I have not declared war on him, nor he on me? I find this difficult to believe; nevertheless, I will follow your advice and take greater care.” (Baca, pg. 340) This advice saved the naive King’s life. Shortly thereafter, when the King was hunting in Hamburg with Pitti and his court, he noticed a suspicious stranger dressed as a courier walking through the grounds, and had the man apprehended and questioned. The vagrants story quickly changed from, a mission to bring news from Venice, to carrying a personal letter from Pavia addressed to the King’s personal physician, Master Herman, from the Duke of Milan’s physician, Master Piero da Tosignano. It turned out the King’s doctor had trained under the Milanese maestro and owed him a favor. The details of the plot quickly came to light as the Emperor’s men turned the screws on the physician, for 20,000 ducats he would poison Rupert with a laced enema, a clyster[18]. Perhaps the Dukes personal directive was for the good doctor to shove it up his ass. Regardless of the outcome, the daring of the Duke invigorated the hesitant Emperor to act with haste. As the broken body of the physician was tied to a wagon wheel and hoisted onto a pole, like some sort of macabre pinwheel, the German Knights began to mobilize, Rupert agreed that for 50,000 Florins his army would cross the Alps—the rest of the payment could wait but vengeance could not.
Meanwhile, back in Bologna, Giovanni’s scouts informed him that a large army under the banner of Pandolfo Malatesta was moving toward the city. Giovanni quickly called on his own banners, and rode out of Bologna with 800 lances. When the Malatesta forces arrived at Ponte Maggiore (Vecchio), before the Stra Maggiore gate, the two leaders met at the head of their armies under a banner of truce. Pandolfo confided in Giovanni that he wanted to pass through Bologna on his way to Brescia so he could join the forces of the Duke of Milan. Even though he was hesitant to give the Duke aid, when he knew it was inevitably to his detriment, Giovanni acquiesced to Malatesta’s request. As the hardened knights of the Condottiere’s army were passing through the city center at La Scala, Pandolfo Malatesta pulled Giovanni aside, and had a private word with him. He warned Giovanni that no matter what happened between the Duke and the Emperor, he needed to prepare his defenses, because Gian Galeazzo would come, that was a guarantee. Giovanni was grateful for Pandolfo’s warning and thanked him for his honesty—the first cracks of the serene peace were starting to show. [19]
Those cracks fissured further when word was brought to Giovanni that Bente Bentivoglio, his cousin and greatest ally, had shared sensitive information with Nanne Gozzadini. Giovanni had no choice but to arrest Bente, his father Antonio, and Nanne Gozzadini. Poor Bente was a conflicted man, when the Pope denied Giovanni the title of Papal Vicar and condemned him for the violence he brought down upon Bologna, Bente was forced to weigh his conscious between the powers of family and God, and God was winning. Giovanni had them all placed in “lo forno” or the oven, for a period while he deliberated on what to do.[20] Eventually he let them out, and when Nanne Gozzadini asked for leave to attend his business dealings in Venice, Giovanni let him go—perhaps he was tired of the violence. Giovanni did however take precautions, to protect himself, and increased his personal guard to two-hundred and sixty men.[21]
Returning north to Augsburg. Bonaccorso Pitti had accompanied the Emperor to Heidelberg where they would meet with various German merchants and lords who had promised to lend the Emperor 50,000 ducats for the start of his campaign. However, when the merchants arrived, they said they couldn’t lend the Emperor his money, because the creditors of these lands refused to pay what they owed once they heard what the Emperor was using the money for. The Emperor was distraught, almost in tears, fearing his honor was at stake. Bonaccorso Pitti begrudgingly made the return trip home to Florence 500 miles through enemy territory, to collect the necessary blessings from the Magistrates of War, then to Venice to rendezvous with Giovanni di Bicci de’ Medici, who was to accompany Pitti to Heidelberg and once the correct documents were signed, was to release the funds when the Germans completed their transalpine venture.
Pitti records that 15,000 of the finest Cavalry awaited them upon their arrival back across the alps. However, when they told the Emperor that they had returned without the money, only a contract, he replied, “Now I am obliged to leave behind the flower of our army, around 5,000 experienced fighting men, who have no money of their own.” (Baca, pg. 343) Nevertheless the emperor mobilized his men to march to Trento, and dispatched Pitti to bring the money he was promised. This resulted in a delay of twenty-two days, which severely hampered the planned operation. Pitti himself had to dodge an assassination attempt on the road to Venice, where he sought to collect the first down payment of 25,000 Florins. Meanwhile, the Lord of Padua, Francesco da Carrara, had collected the gathering armies of Florence, Padua, and Germany in Trento. The plan was to use the Trompia valley to attack Brescia and create a staging point across the Po river, from which they could attack the rest of Milan.[22] When the money finally arrived, the army started to march.
The first units of German Cavalry, their epic flows[23] brought to life by the crisp mountain air, started to approach Brescia on 23 October 1401, snaking their way through the Brennero pass until it opened into the Garza valley, likely taking the route through the val Sabbia to reach val Trompia. At Nave, 19 km northeast of the city they probably sighted a small contingent of Milanese foragers operating outside walls of the city. The 15,000 knights of the Emperor, along with the 1,000 horse and 500 infantry of Francesco da Carrara of Padua, descended into the valley with all the pomp and bravado an army that size deserved—sure, their start had been delayed by politics and bankers, but what war effort wasn’t muddled by bureaucrats, now they were on the warpath, and doing what they trained their whole lives to do, they were confident!
As Jacopo dal Verme, Carlo and Pandolfo Malatesta, Facino Cane, Ottobono Terzi, Galeazzo da Mantova and Alberigo da Barbiano—the veritable who’s-who of 14-15th century Italian condottiere—watched this blundering façade, stretched thin by the terrain, meander through the valley, they must not have been impressed. Despite being outnumbered by more than three to one, they decided to set a trap. Two hundred light horse and three hundred foragers departed Brescia on the 24 October 1401. The vanguard of the Imperial army had already emerged from the Val Trompia pass and formed a camp just outside of Nave. The foragers wandered too close to the bivouacking Germans and started to raise alarms, the Germans Knights under the command of Frederick of Hohenzollern took the bait and attacked the small band of saccomanni. The foragers scrambled back through the dense hedges toward Nave where Facino Cane and Ottobono Terzi were waiting with 1800 knights in battle array. The fighting was brutal and quick, Fredrick of Hohenzollern was unhorsed by Teodoro de Monferrato, and the German attack wavered. Seeing this, Duke Leopold of Austria charged in, shouting, “Aus hier fahr, Aus hier fahr!” or “Get out of here, get out of here!” Carlo Malatesta spotting the duke, rode-in to block his mount, and wounded the Duke in the chest with a spear, then took him prisoner. Seeing the Dukes banner under such distress, Giacomo da Cararra daringly threw himself into the fray, hoping that his courage and honor would rally the wavering German and Paduan troops, and he in turn unhorsed Carlo Malatesta, driving his lance into Lord of Rimini’s chest. Facino Cane and his men helped Carlo back into his saddle, and when the Lord of Rimini was seated, he pressed Facino Cane to let him lead another charge, but at this point the Paduan infantry soldiers had entered the field in mass and started taking aim at the horses of the Visconti men-at-arms. Cane and dal Verme decided it was time to pull back. They returned to Brescia victorious with over 1000 German Prisoners, two high value standards, and most importantly Duke Leopold of Austria.[24]
Rather than continue, the German army turned around and headed back to Trento. From there, the bureaucrats and diplomats and the financial insolvency of King Rupert of Bavaria sabotaged any hope of a continued expedition. The great threat of the German invaders had been thwarted by a well-timed ambush of an army one-third their size. With a substantial investment of two-hundred-thousand florins tied up in an army of over 20,000 men, aimed at the destruction of the German Kings forces, Gian Galeazzo would’ve likely turned to Nanne Gozzadini, who was by his side, having gone to Milan rather than Venice, and nodded. Well before the disastrous battle of Nave, Gozzadini had promised the duke 14,000 ducats if he would turn what remained of his army on Bologna, to dispose Bentivoglio.[25] Now that army, still fully fit, and prepped for war with a foe far greater than their Italian adversaries to the south, shifted their gaze from the val di Trompia, to the via Emilia—to Bologna.
Be sure to subscribe to find out what happens next.
Works Cited:
Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna. Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657
Ady, Cecilia Mary. The Bentivoglio of Bologna: A Study in Despotism. United Kingdom, Oxford University Press, H. Milford, 1937.
A Companion to Medieval and Renaissance Bologna. Netherlands, Brill, 2017.
Branca, Vittore. Merchant Writers: Florentine Memoirs from the Middle Ages and Renaissance. United Kingdom, University of Toronto Press, 2015.
Damiani, Roberto. Astorre Manfredi. Condottiere Ventura: ASTORRE MANFREDI - Condottieri di ventura. Accessed 11/04/2023.
Banti, Ottavio. Giovanni Bentivoglio. Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Volume 8 (1966). Treccani.it. accessed 11/4/2023.
Tamba, Giorgio. Nanne Gozzadini. Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Volume 58 (2002): Treccani.it. accessed 11/10/2023.
Banti, Ottavio. Iacopo Appiani. Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Volume 8 (1966), Treccani.it. accessed 11/4/2023.
Gamberini, Andrea. GIAN GALEAZZO Visconti, duca di Milano, Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Volume 54 (2000). Treccani.it. https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/gian-galeazzo-visconti-duca-di-milano_(Dizionario-Biografico)/ . Accessed 11/5/2023.
Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Volume 8 (1966), Bente Bentivoglio. Trecanni.it. https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/bente-bentivoglio_(Dizionario-Biografico)/. Accessed 11/9/2023
Pirri, Pietro. Alberico da Barbiano. Dizinario Biografico degli Italiani – Volume 1 (1960). Treccani.it. https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/alberico-da-barbiano_(Dizionario-Biografico)/. Accessed 11/9/2023.
Damiani, Roberto. Carlo Malatesta. www.condottiereventura.it. https://condottieridiventura.it/carlo-malatesta-di-rimini/. Updated 27 November 2012. Accessed 11/10/2023.
Special thanks to Moreno dei Ricci for help in researching the battle of Nave, and explaining the topography, and valleys around Brescia.
[1] Banti, Ottavio, Iacopo Appiani, Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Volume 8 (1966), Treccani.it, accessed 11/4/2023.
A più riprese la città stessa fu minacciata da vicino, tanto che l'A., per salvarsi, dovette chiedere aiuto al Visconti, il quale cominciò coi mnn qualche migliaio di mercenari con l'intento di valersi di Pisa - secondo quanto il Visconti avrebbe confessato - come base per la conquista di qualche fortezza dei territorio lucchese o fiorentino (ecco il motivo dei tentativi viscontei contro S. Miniato, Montaione, Barbialla, ecc., che si verificarono in questo periodo) dalle quali minacciare più da vicino Firenze.Dopo una estenuante guerriglia durata più di un anno, si convenne di pattuire una tregua, più per ultimare i preparativi per la vera guerra che per volontà di giungere a un accordo e perciò rotta quasi prima che avesse inizio. Questa volta il duca di Milano inviò intorno Pisa un esercito di circa diecimila uomini e uno dei suoi migliori condottieri: Alberico da Barbiano. L'A. aveva capito da tempo il pericolo a cui andava incontro rimanendo alleato del Visconti, ma, fino a che la guerra era alle porte, gli era impossibile sganciarsi da lui, sebbene più volte egli vanamente cercasse di concludere una pace separata almeno con Lucca. Ai rappresentanti del Visconti in Pisa non erano però sfuggiti i suoi colloqui col marchese Malaspina, che già altre volte aveva fatto da intermediario fra l'A. e i suoi nemici ma, lungi dal sospettare che potessero giungere a qualcosa di concreto, ritennero che il vecchio Iacopo, particolarmente affranto non solo per i suoi 75 anni, ma anche per la morte del figlio Vanni (6 ott. 1397), avesse ormai perduta la vigoria e la combattività già dimostrata m passato; per tal motivo andò facendosi strada in loro la convinzione che non sarebbe stato difficile persuaderlo a cedere al duca la signoria della città.
[2] Banti, Ottavio, Giovanni Bentivoglio, Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Volume 8 (1966), Treccani.it, accessed 11/4/2023.
La politica estera, e in particolare i rapporti col Comune di Firenze e col duca di Milano, fa però il campo in cui s'impegnò di più l'abilità del Bentivoglio. Certamente quando, nel 1401, egli si accordò con il Visconti per conquistare il potere, si rese conto dei pericoli che potevano derivargli da questa alleanza; era ad ammonirlo, se non altro, il caso recentissimo e clamoroso di Iacopo Appiani, signore di Pisa per il quale l'alleanza del duca di Milano era divenuta un laccio mortale. Forse il B. sperava di liberarsi, una volta raggiunto il suo scopo, del troppo potente alleato senza dovergli pagare lo scotto.
[3] Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna, Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657. Pg. 521-522
Alle cui parole Giovanni haveva scose le orecchie, perche poco si sidava del Manfredi, anzi ordino al Conte Alberigo, che assai piu di quelo era, stringese l'assedio. E per questo effetto hebbe da Fiorentini dugento Lancie, dal Signore di Padova cento; e Giovanni ne assoldo da novecento, le quali tutte le mando adosso ad Astorgio, e fece bene per se medesimo. Il perche Astorgio si rivolse al favore del Doge di Vinegia, & Fiorentini, che volessero adoperarsi di pacificarlo co'l Bentivoglio. Conoscendo adunque l' Illustrisimo Michele Steno Doge, & il Commune di Vinegia, & insieme li Signori Priori, e Consoli di Fiorenza quanto importava la discordia, e guerra, ch' era tra Bolognesi, & Astorgio Signore di Faenza, col mezo de' loro Oratori, tentarono la volonta del Magnificentissimo, & & Eccelso Signore Giovanni (cosi lo chiamano le Tavole Puliche) de' Bentivgolio Conservatore della Pace, e della Giustitia, sopra questa concordia; e poi il Magnifico Astorgio de Manfredi Signore di Faenza, e figliuolo del valoroso Cavaliere Giovanni de' Manfredi; Gli Oratori furono Giovanni de' Garzoni filivolo di Bandino, e Francesco de'Piroli, gia di Giacomo noili Cittadini Vinitiani, a nome del detto Doge, e della detta Republica Fiorentina, li quali facilmente condussero amendue le parti ad amicabile Pace. Pero il prefato Giovanni Bentivoglio Signore di Bologna, per se, suoi filiuoli, heredi, e successori, e per la Citta di Bologna, commune, terre, castella, ville, e territorii, e per suoi sudditi, e fedeli da una parte, Et Antonio da Modigliana Procuratore, e Sindico di Astorgio Manfredi dell' altra fecero pace infieme co questi parti. Furono presentia questo instromento di Pace, li nobile Cavalieri, Pietro di Bianco de' Bianchi, Giordino de Bianchi, Angrea di Carlo di Andalo Bentivoglio, e li famosi Dottori, Ugolino di Tomaso Scappi, Giovanni da Canetolo, Garzone di Pietro di Tuniolo de' Garzoni, Azzone di Andrea Torrelli, Nicola di Blanco de Bianchi, Nane di Domenico da Vizano, Bernardo di Maestro Pietro dalla Rettorica, ouero da Muglio, Notaro di Giovanni Bentivoglio.
[4] Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna, Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657. Pg.522
Spiacque grandemente questa pace al Conte Alberigo, percioche teneva di certo fra pochi giorni di conquestare Faenza, & havere nelle mani Astorgio Manfredi suo capital nemico, e sdegnato grandemente con Giovanni, si levo dal suo stipendio, e ne ando a Cunio, volgendo l'arme contra il Bentivoglio. Scorse il Conte parte del Contato di Bologna, insino al fiume Idice, dove fece preda di molti bestiami, e condusse huomini, donne, e putti prigioni, co'l riscatto de' quali si pago delle fatiche spese nello assedio di Faenza, e per le promesse sattegli da Giovanni Bentivoglio.
[5] Damiani, Roberto. Alberico da Barbiano. www.condottiereventura.it. Updated 10/16/2023. accessed 11/4/2023. Alberico da Barbiano: Shaping Warfare in 14th Century Italy - Condottieri di ventura
· March: Returning from Apulia, he allies with the lord of Bologna, Giovanni Bentivoglio, in order to fight Manfredi again. However, Bentivoglio makes an agreement with Manfredi: Barbiano is thus forced to lift the siege from Faenza, which is about to conclude positively.
· April: Moved by anger, he invades the Bolognese territory; he reaches Quaderna, Varignana, Medicina; crosses the Idice and pushes his raids up to San Lazzaro di Savena. Prisoners and plundered livestock are taken to Barbiano; all the prisoners (400 men) are forced to pay a ransom. The booty is valued at 60,000 florins.
[6] Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna, Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657. Pg.522
Pietro di Colte, il quale rallegratosi secco della ottenuta Signoria, l'inuito a volere confederarsi col detto Duca, per fermezza dello stato suo, poiche il Duca haveva il primo luogo dopo il Re di Napoli, e facendo questo gli promise mandare quattrocento lancie per continua guardia della perfona sua, overo volesse egli tanta somma di danari, che quattrocento lancie anoldassero, come piu gli aggradiva. Questi signorili, e larghi patti gli faceva il duca perche aspirava all' Imperio della Toscana, con dillegno, che havendo il Bentivoglio per amico, anco havrebbe il passo libero per pasiare a i danni dell Toscana. Le amorevoli proserte del Duca satte a Giovanni, piegarono facilmente l'animo di Giovanni ad accettare le offerte di Giovanni Galeazzo, e ch' egli mandasse li Capitoli, accioche da amendue le parti fossero sottoseritti, con la quale risolutione l'Ambasciatore Ducale ritorno al suo Signore. Fiorentini, intesa la risolutione fatta tra il Duca di Milano, e Bentivoglio, si per rallegrarsi seco, come anco, per invitario ad entrare seco in lega, con fargli offerta, che si come sempre erano stati fedeli amici de' Bolognesi, anco di presente, come tali gli offerivano ogni aiuto di gente, e di danari.
[7] Purely speculation as to what gates were used.
[8] Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna, Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657. Pg.522
Fiorentini, intesa la risolutione fatta tra il Duca di Milano, e Bentivoglio, si per rallegrarsi seco, come anco, per invitario ad entrare seco in lega, con fargli offerta, che si come sempre erano stati fedeli amici de' Bolognesi, anco di presente, come tali gli offerivano ogni aiuto di gente, e di danari. A' quali Giovanni rispose.
[9] Gamberini, Andrea. GIAN GALEAZZO Visconti, duca di Milano, Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Volume 54 (2000). Treccani.it. https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/gian-galeazzo-visconti-duca-di-milano_(Dizionario-Biografico)/ . Accessed 11/5/2023.
Di fronte a un accerchiamento che si faceva di anno in anno sempre più stringente, Firenze ripose tutte le sue speranze nei rivolgimenti che interessavano la corte imperiale, dove i principi elettori avevano rovesciato il filovisconteo Venceslao contrapponendogli Roberto di Baviera. Per indurre il nuovo sovrano a intraprendere una spedizione contro G., Firenze non solo si impegnò per un ingente contributo finanziario
[10] GARZONI, Giovanni in "Dizionario Biografico" - Treccani
Dopo essersi occupato del restauro delle difese a mare di Pellestrina (1392), nel 1393 e poi ancora nel '94 fu nel novero dei magistrati incaricati di esaminare le richieste dei creditori statali; nella seconda metà di quest'anno compare per qualche mese (ed eccezionalmente) tra i savi agli Ordini, quindi (7 luglio 1401) lo troviamo a Bologna quale mediatore di pace con Faenza; qualche mese più tardi si recava in Friuli con analogo incarico.
[11] Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna, Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657. Pg.522-523
E che bene faccia loro intendere, che se prima l'banessero ricercato, di buona voglia gli havrebbe contentati. A questa risposta, non si persero d' animo gli Oratori Fiorentini, anzi appoggiati a maggior speranza, si rivolsero a varij intercesori, e fra gli altri ad Antonio Guidotti, ch' era l'anima instessa del Bentivoglio, & huomo nella Citta di grandissima auttorita, a cui secero dono di quattro mila Ducati d' oro, accioche si adoperasse in modo, che l'accordo tra il Duca di Milano, e Giovanni Bentivoglio non seguisse piu oltre, ma che adherisse all'mutio de Fiorentini. Ora Antonio allettato dall osserta del danro parlo con Giovanni, e per disporlo a questo satto, gli addusse di molte ragioni, e gli dimostro apertamente, che non doueva collegarsi con il Duca di Milano, percioche Giovan Galeazzo cio faceva con sicuro disegno di prima opprimere la Toscana, e poi havere il dominio di Bologna, e che per questo, e non per altrocercava di collegarsi con esso lui. Queste parole posero Giovanni in tanto sospetto, che non spaeva, che consiglio pigliare, & essendo stato tutto un giorno, & una notte sopra se stesso, finalmente determino di consigliari con li suoi amici, e segreti Consiglieri, li quali accostandosi al giuditio del Guidotti, secero si, che Giovanni mancando al Duca, con li Fiorentini si collego in questo modo.
[12] Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna, Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657. Pg.523
Era gionto in Bologna Pietro da Corte, Oratore del Duca, con li Capitoli da Giovan Galeazzo sottoscritti, e faccendo l' oratore instanza, che anche Giovanni li ratificasse, il Bentivoglio rispose.
Che non lo poteva fare, attento, che essendo tardato il Duca di mandarli, si era tratanto con li Fiorentini collegato, pensandosi, che il Duca non ne volesse far altro. Ma che intanto bene l' assicurana, che quantunque non fosse in lega con esso lui, sempre pero gli sarebbe stato amico fedele, e l' baurebbe volontteri in ogni jua occorrenza seruito, eccetto che in dimostrari contrario a Fiorentini.
[13]Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna, Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657. Pg.523
Udendo l'Oratore la repulsa del Bentivoglio, come quello, che del trattato de' Fiorentini con il Guidotti era Capace, ripieno di giusto sdegno, con la mano toccando la spalla ad Antonio, che quiui era presente, disse.
Ramentari Antonio, che li quattro mila scudi, che bai ricevvti, sono la cagione, che Giovanni ba mancato della sua fede al mio Signore, e si e collegato con Fiorentini, e non ha voluto sottoscrivere, di che amendue tosto ve ne pientirrete.
[14] Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna, Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657. Pg.523
E cio detto, subito si levo di Bologna, e passo a Milano, e fece al Duca ogni mala relatione. Di tutto che per allhora il prudentissimo Duca mostro curarsene poco. Fiorentini havendo havuto auiso della repulsa data da Giovanni al Duca, ne fecero segno di allegrezza, e mandarano li loro Ambasciatori, cioe, Rinieri Alberi, Bartolomeo da Pistoia, e Riccardo di Donato Acciaivoli ad avisare Giovanni, che viuesse di buon animo, e non temesse di cosa alcuna, perche eglino erano sofficienti a difenderlo dal Duca, e da qualon que altro il volesse molestare. E che di gia havevano ordinao, e mandato danari all' Imperatore, che ne venisse in Italia con potentissimo essercito contro il detto Duca. Fu cosa grata al Bentivoglio la offerta de' Fiorentini, il quale, oltre che accarezzo con ricchi doni li detti oratori, anche creo Cavalierie il sudetto Bartolomeo da Pistoia.
[15] [15] Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna, Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657. Pg.523
Ora non si tosto da Fiorentini fu Giovanni Bentivoglio assicurato, ch' eglicomincio a rovare quei travagli, che la inuidia altrui procaccia; percioche scoperse un trattato, che era di ucciderlo nella camera sua, nel qual trattato erano questi, Battista Baldoini suo Compare, Baldo de gli Uccelli, Antonio da Santa Lucia, Antionio di Musolo, Guglielmo Catinelli, Nanino Cherubini, Gozzadino Gozzadini, e molti alti i Cittadini. Battista Baldoini in uno stesso tempo, che gli altri congiurati dovevano ammazzare Giovanni, egli doveva insieme con Baldo de gli Uccelli, uccidere li due figlivoli di detto Giovanni, cio Antonio Galeazzo & Hercole. Furono fatti prigioni Gozzadino Gozzadini, Battista Bladuini, e li fratelli di Baldo, che si saluo fuggendo. Posti tutti in carcere Giovanni volle, che oltre il consiglio, anco si chiamassero diece huomini per ciascuna Compagnia, alla presenza de quali, e del Consiglio, li detti carcerati di sua bocca propria confessarnono distintamente il loro peccato
[16] Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna, Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657. Pg.523
Furono fatti prigioni Gozzadino Gozzadini, Battista Bladuini, e li fratelli di Baldo, che si saluo fuggendo. Posti tutti in carcere Giovanni volle, che oltre il consiglio, anco si chiamassero diece huomini per ciascuna Compagnia, alla presenza de quali, e del Consiglio, li detti carcerati di sua bocca propria confessarnono distintamente il loro peccato. Antonio Musolo fu decapitato per senetenza del Conseglio, volendolo Giovanni, come potente capo del trattato, solamente confinare, si come anco fece di Gozzadino Gozzadini, e di Battista Balduini, quello confinato al Santo Sepolcro, e questi a San Giacomo di Galitia, mandando gli altri alle confine, alle quali non volendoui stare Guglielmo Catinelli, su preso, e decaptiato
[17] Merchant Writers: Florentine Memoirs from the Middle Ages and Renaissance. Memoirs: Giovanni di Paolo Morelli. United Kingdom, University of Toronto Press, 2015. (Pg. 228)
“As you have been able to understand from what I wrote above, the Duke of Milan had been well advised about the Emperor’s forces, and he had spent a great deal of money to build up his own. He was well fortified with men, and with good capable captains. If we spent 200 thousand florins, that incited him to spend even more.”
[18] Merchant Writers: Florentine Memoirs from the Middle Ages and Renaissance. Memoirs: Bonaccorso Pitti. United Kingdom, University of Toronto Press, 2015. (Pg. 340-34)
While we were still waiting for a reply from Florence, it happened that we dined with the Emperor in one of his gardens, and I, having noticed that he took no precautions against poison, said to him, “Your Highness, it seems that you are not aware of the perfidity of the Duke of Milan; for if you were, you would take greater care for your safety than you do. For you may be certain that when he hears that you are resolved to cross into Italy, he will do his utmost to have you killed or either by poison or stabbing.” His countenance changed entirely, and he crossed himself, saying, “Could he be so perfidious as to attempt to have me killed, when I have not declared war on him, nor he on me? I find this difficult to believe; nevertheless, I will follow your advice and take great care.” And this he did. And among other things, on account of the suspicion that I aroused in him, whenever he saw someone whom he did not know, he immediately wanted to know what that person was up to. On one occasion, when he and we, who were continually with him, went to a fine estate of his near Hamburg to hunt, the Emperor noticed a man dressed as a courier; he had him summoned and questioned him. The man said that he was on his way to Venice, and that he had come to that place solely to see the Emperor and to be able to give him news of him at Venice. The Emperor ordered one of his Knights to take the man to his chamber and to keep him there until he returned from mass. When he returned, the courier confessed to him that he had come from Pavia carrying a letter to the Emperor’s physician from Maestro Piero da Tosignano, the physician of the Duke of Milan, and that he had carried such letters on other occasions. The Emperor read the letter, and sent for his physician, whose name was Master Herman, who had been a pupil of Master Piero da Tosignano. In short, the physician confessed that he was to have poisoned the Emperor with a clyster, for which he was to receive 15,000 ducats, 5,000 to be paid in Mainz and 10,000 in Venice.
[19] Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna, Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657. Pg.523-524
Ritrovandosi Robero Imperatore, che era il Conte Palatino, e che dopo la morte di Federico era stato eletto Imperatore nella Dieta di Bopardia, essere gionto sul Bresciano, Pandolfo Malatesti, che voleva trasferirsi all' Imperatore, domando a Giovanni Bentivoglio il saluocondotto, e diede gli Ostaggi, e gionto al Ponte Maggiore, il Bentivoglio con ottocento Lancie, & accomagnato da molti de' Nobili della Citta ando ad incontrarlo, e gionti alla porta di stra Maggiore, inuitandolo Giovanni a passare pe'l mezo della Citta, non volle, ma paso dietro le mura, e gionti alla Scala, il Signore di Bologna nel pigliare licenza fu chiamato in disparte dall'altro, che gli rivelo, come il Duca di Milano di gia haveva a dordine un copioso essercito per passare a dani suoi, e che pero si apparecchiasse alla difesa Rese gratie infinite Giovanni a Pandolfo, e da lui presa grata licenza ritorno alla Cittade, Diede questo aviso, assai che pensare al Bentivoglio, e tra i molti discorsi, che fra se medesimo fece, uno fu, che s' egli non voleva haver guerra dentro e fuori della Citta, era bene, ch' egli havendo prigione Bente, e'l figlivolo di Bente, per havere trasparlato di lui e Nanne per sospetto, li lasciasse in liberta, e se li facesse benevoli
[20] Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Volume 8 (1966), Bente Bentivoglio. Trecanni.it. https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/bente-bentivoglio_(Dizionario-Biografico)/. Accessed 11/9/2023
Secondo alcune notizie, il B., suo padre e Nanne Gozzadini sarebbero stati rinchiusi dal Bentivoglio "in lo forno". Mentre Nanne Gozzadini poté raggiungere subito, a quel che pare, un accordo col nuovo signore (compare tra i XVI Riformatori eletti nel marzo del 1401), le fonti tacciono completamente del B., la qual cosa lascia supporre che in quell'anno egli fosse ancora in prigione. Lo ritroviamo solo all'inizio del 1402, incaricato da Giovanni Bentivoglio della difesa della città, gravemente minacciata dalle truppe viscontee; in un momento, dunque, di estremo pericolo per la signoria del Bentivoglio
[21] Ghirardacci, Cherubino. Della Historia Di Bologna, Volume 2. Italy, Giovanni Rossi, 1657. Pg. 524
[22] Alberico da Barbiano, Dizinario Biografico degli Italiani – Volume 1 (1960). Treccani.it. https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/alberico-da-barbiano_(Dizionario-Biografico)/. Accessed 11/9/2023.
Si aveva una lunga guerriglia senza risultati decisivi, quando le forze viscontee erano richiamate in Lombardia per fronteggiare l'esercito del re dei Romani, Roberto di Baviera, che da Trento, per la Val Trompia, calava su Brescia.
[23] A flow, is slang for great hair, often used in by North American Hockey pundits to describe players with awesome mullets.
[24] Damiani, Roberto. Carlo Malatesta. www.condottiereventura.it. https://condottieridiventura.it/carlo-malatesta-di-rimini/. Updated 27 November 2012. Accessed 11/10/2023.
Si scontra a Nave nel bresciano con gli imperiali. ed i carraresi. Il primo attacco è portato da Federico di Hohenzollern. Il tedesco viene abbattuto da un colpo di lancia del marchese Teodoro di Monferrato. Ad un accenno di ritirata da parte delle truppe tedesche interviene con le sue schiere il duca Leopoldo d’Austria al grido “Auzy ier vart, ausi ier vart!” (Aus hier fahr). Carlo Malatesta gli blocca la cavalcatura, lo ferisce al petto con un colpo di lancia e lo fa prigioniero. Giacomo da Carrara si getta contro il Malatesta, lo ferisce a sua volta al petto con un colpo di lancia e lo disarciona. Nel frangente il Malatesta è soccorso dai suoi uomini e da Facino Cane che riescono a rimetterlo in sella. Desidera allora di prendersi la vendetta sul carrarese. I provvigionati padovani continuano nella loro azione, che punta in particolare all’uccisione delle cavalcature degli uomini d’arme. I ducali sono in tal modo indotti a suonare la ritirata ed a ritornare a Brescia con i prigionieri tedeschi.
[25] Tamba, Giorgio. Nanne Gozzadini. Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani – Volume 58 (2002). www.Treccani.it. https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/nanne-gozzadini_(Dizionario-Biografico)/. Accessed 11/10/2023.
Il 16 giugno 1401 il G. lasciò la città col pretesto di recarsi per affari a Venezia; ma il fatto che tutti i suoi congiunti lo accompagnassero indica che egli intendeva troncare qualunque legame con le iniziative di G. Bentivoglio e questi si vendicò facendone saccheggiare la casa. Era una aperta sfida all'antico alleato e il G. la raccolse. Si recò a Pavia da Gian Galeazzo Visconti e gli offrì di contribuire con 14.000 ducati alle spese di una guerra contro il Bentivoglio. Gian Galeazzo, che aveva ormai rinunciato all'alleanza con questo ma non al disegno di controllare Bologna, non si fece sfuggire l'occasione e nel dicembre del 1401 un grande esercito, agli ordini di Francesco Gonzaga, si radunò a Mirandola per muovere contro Bologna.